Gates Historical Society/ Hinchey Homestead

Gates Historical Society/ Hinchey Homestead The Gates Historical Society is committed to promoting and encouraging historical research of the town of Gates and its surrounding area.

06/17/2026

If you wanted to find a man with reason to hate William Tecumseh Sherman, a good place to start would have been the old Confederate general standing bareheaded in the cold at Sherman's funeral. Joseph E. Johnston had spent the last stretch of the war trying to stop Sherman — falling back across Georgia and the Carolinas, weighing every position, trading ground for time against an opponent who burned a path to the sea and seemed impossible to hold. By every reasonable expectation, Johnston should have been the last man to grieve him. Instead, in February 1891, he was one of the men carrying his casket.
The truth was that the two had become close — guardedly, improbably, but truly. It started at the very end of the war. When Johnston surrendered to Sherman in North Carolina in April 1865, Sherman offered terms so generous that Washington threw them out as too soft on the beaten South. Johnston never forgot it. In the decades that followed, the two old soldiers wrote to each other and met as friends, and Johnston grew so protective of Sherman's name that he refused to let anyone speak against him in his presence. He didn't argue the point. He simply would not allow it.
So when Sherman died in New York that February, Johnston came north to help bury him, though he was eighty-four and frail. The procession moved through cold, wet weather, and Johnston went through all of it with his hat in his hand and his head bare. A man beside him, watching the old general shiver, leaned in and told him to put his hat on before he caught his death. Johnston didn't. He said only, "If I were in his place and he were standing here in mine, he would not put on his hat."
He was right about the cold, at least in the way the story has always been told. Johnston took a chill at the funeral, it turned to pneumonia, and on March 21, 1891 — about a month after he'd helped carry Sherman to his grave — the old general was dead. Whether standing bareheaded in the rain truly kills an eighty-four-year-old man is something the doctors of that day were more certain about than ours would be. What isn't in question is that he spent some of the last strength he had standing uncovered in the cold for a man he was supposed to have hated.
The printmakers of the era liked to sell the scene of Johnston's surrender to Sherman in a North Carolina farmhouse — the famous moment, enemy facing enemy. But the truer picture of what passed between those two never made it onto a lithograph. It came twenty-six years later: an old man, bareheaded in a February drizzle, refusing to cover his head while they carried his friend past him — and dead himself inside the month, having spent the last of what he had on the one soldier he was least expected to love.

06/17/2026

168 years ago today, a little-known lawyer read a speech aloud to his closest friends. When he finished, they were alarmed. It's too radical, they told him. Tone it down. It will cost you the election. He looked at them and said, in effect: it's true, and I'm going to say it exactly as I've written it.
He gave the speech. It did cost him the election.
It also made him President of the United States.
The lawyer was Abraham Lincoln. The year was 1858, and at this point he was a long way from the towering figure we know today. He was a respected Illinois attorney and former one-term congressman, but on the national stage he was a relative nobody. That was about to change.
On June 16th, 1858, more than a thousand delegates packed the statehouse in Springfield, Illinois, and nominated Lincoln to run for the United States Senate. His opponent would be one of the most powerful and famous politicians in the entire country, Senator Stephen Douglas. By any measure, Lincoln was the underdog.
That evening, Lincoln rose to give his acceptance speech. And he had a decision to make about how honest he was willing to be.
The country in 1858 was being torn apart over a single, agonizing question: slavery, and whether it would be allowed to spread into the new western territories as the nation expanded. It was the issue everyone could feel pulling the country toward catastrophe — and it was the issue most ambitious politicians handled by saying as little as possible, hedging, blurring, reaching for the comfortable middle so as not to alienate anyone.
Lincoln had written a speech that did the opposite.
He had read it to his friends and advisers beforehand, and they were dismayed. The language was too strong, they warned. Too far ahead of where the public was. It would brand him a radical and hand the election to Douglas. One of his closest associates, his own law partner, told him plainly that while the idea might be true, it was neither wise nor smart to say it out loud.
Lincoln's reply has echoed ever since. The proposition, he said, was true — and he intended to deliver it as written. He wanted, he explained, a simple, universally understood image, in plain language, that would strike home in people's minds and wake them up to the danger of the times.
So he stood before the convention and opened with the line that would outlive him by centuries. Borrowing an image from the Bible that every person in that room would have known by heart, he declared:
"A house divided against itself cannot stand."
And then he drove it home. He did not believe, he said, that the government could go on permanently half slave and half free. The nation would not fall — but it would have to become one thing or the other. The country could not keep papering over the contradiction at its core forever. Sooner or later, it would have to decide what it actually was.
In the cautious, evasive political world of 1858, this was a thunderclap. He had taken the question everyone was tiptoeing around and stated the hard truth of it out loud, plainly, for everyone to hear. He had refused to hedge.
And his friends had been right about the cost.
Douglas pounced on the speech, painting Lincoln as a dangerous radical bent on tearing the country apart. The two men went on to hold a series of debates that would become legendary — but when the dust settled, Lincoln lost. The Senate seat went to Douglas. The bold speech his advisers had begged him to soften had, just as they'd predicted, helped sink his campaign.
By the cold arithmetic of that election, telling the truth had been a mistake.
Except it wasn't. Not really. Not in the end.
Because those debates, and that speech, had done something the Senate seat never could have. They had taken an obscure Illinois lawyer and made him a household name across the entire country. People who had never heard of Abraham Lincoln now knew exactly who he was, and exactly what he stood for, because he'd had the nerve to say it plainly when no one else would. He had lost the battle and won something far larger: a national reputation as a man who would tell you the truth even when it hurt him to do so.
Two years later, that reputation carried him all the way to the White House. The man who lost a Senate race with a speech "too radical" to win became the President of the United States.
And his warning turned out to be devastatingly accurate. The house, divided, could not stand. Within a few years the nation would be split by a terrible war over the very contradiction Lincoln had named that night in Springfield.
Here's the thing worth carrying out of June 16th, 1858.
The easy, smart, careful move — the one every adviser in the room urged on him — was to soften the truth, to hedge, to say the comfortable thing that wouldn't cost him anything. And the whole reason we remember Abraham Lincoln, and barely remember the men who beat him, is that he refused. He decided that some truths are worth saying out loud even when saying them costs you the prize you're chasing.
He lost an election for it. He gained history for it.
There's a lesson in that the cautious among us forget: the careful path protects your next step, but it's the people willing to risk the loss for the sake of the truth who tend to be the ones still remembered long after the winners are forgotten.

Be sure to attend our Annual Member's Meeting on this evening at 7 pm at the Gates Town Hall Annex. Come and hear about ...
06/15/2026

Be sure to attend our Annual Member's Meeting on this evening at 7 pm at the Gates Town Hall Annex. Come and hear about what we did over the past year and our plans for this year and meet the board members who will be sworn in. Of course, we will have ice cream sundaes and floats. The event is free and open to all GHS members. The building is handicapped accessible.

06/15/2026

251 years ago today, a man was handed command of an army that barely existed, ordered to fight the most powerful empire on Earth, in a war he privately believed would destroy him. He didn't ask for the job. He told them he wasn't good enough for it. And then he refused to take a single penny in pay to do it.
You'd think the most famous general in American history charged toward command. He did almost the opposite.
In the spring of 1775, the thirteen American colonies were sliding into open war with Britain. Blood had already been spilled at Lexington and Concord. A ragtag collection of New England militiamen — farmers and tradesmen with their own muskets, no real training, and almost no supplies — had gathered to lay siege to British-held Boston. They were brave, and they were furious, and they were a disorganized mess. What they desperately lacked was a leader.
The Continental Congress, meeting in Philadelphia, had to choose one. And while the delegates argued, one member among them had quietly made his intentions impossible to ignore.
He had started showing up to Congress in his old military uniform.
His name was George Washington, a Virginia planter who had fought years earlier in the French and Indian War. He didn't give speeches campaigning for command. He didn't lobby. He simply walked into the most important political meeting in the colonies, day after day, dressed as a soldier — a silent, dignified signal that if his country needed a fighter, he was ready.
It worked, though perhaps not the way you'd expect. When John Adams of Massachusetts rose to nominate a commander, he didn't name a fellow New Englander. He named the Virginian. It was a brilliant, deliberate choice: the fighting was happening in the north, but if this was to be a war of all the colonies and not just New England's quarrel, then the man leading it should come from the south. Washington, modest and universally respected, was the figure who could bind the colonies together.
Washington was so uncomfortable as the talk turned toward him that he physically got up and left the room. And on June 15th, 1775, with him absent, Congress voted. Unanimously. The command was his.
Now here is where you see the actual character of the man.
When he accepted, the next day, he did not give a triumphant, chest-beating speech. He stood before Congress and said something almost no leader grasping for power would ever say out loud. He told them, with what he insisted was the utmost sincerity, that he did not think himself equal to the command he was being given. He asked them to remember, every man in that room, that he had said so — so that if it all went wrong, no one could say he'd promised more than he could deliver.
In private, he was even more raw. Running into his fellow Virginian Patrick Henry shortly after the vote, Washington's eyes filled with tears. From the day he took command of the American armies, he told Henry, he dated his own fall, and the ruin of his reputation.
Sit with that for a moment. He believed, genuinely, that accepting this honor might destroy him. He took it anyway — because he felt he could not refuse his country without dishonor.
And then he did the thing that, more than almost anything else, tells you who he was.
He refused the salary.
Congress had offered the commander-in-chief a substantial monthly wage — five hundred dollars a month, real money in 1775. Washington turned it down flat. He would not profit from the war. He would not be paid to lead his countrymen into danger. He asked only that Congress cover his actual expenses, and nothing more. He would give his service for free.
Think about the scale of what he was giving away for free. He took command of that disorganized, underfed, outgunned army outside Boston — and he led it for eight long, brutal, often hopeless years. Through crushing defeats. Through the frozen, starving winter at Valley Forge, where his men left bloody footprints in the snow. Through stretches when the cause seemed utterly lost and lesser men would have quit. Eight years, against the greatest military power on the planet, without taking a salary for any of it.
And when it was finally, impossibly won — when he had the adoration of the nation and a victorious army that would have followed him anywhere — he did the most extraordinary thing of all.
He gave the power back.
He could have made himself a king. Many expected him to; some wanted him to. Instead, at war's end, George Washington walked into Congress, resigned his commission, handed over his command, and went home to his farm. A victorious general voluntarily surrendering his power was so unheard of that when Britain's King George III heard Washington intended to do it, he reportedly said that if he actually did, he would be the greatest man in the world.
He did it. And so he was.
That's the thread worth pulling out of June 15th, 1775. We tend to imagine that the people who change history are the ones who hungered for power most fiercely. But the man at the very foundation of the world's most powerful nation got there by doing the opposite at every turn. He didn't seek the command — he had to be drafted into it. He didn't boast — he confessed his own doubts out loud. He didn't cash in — he served for free. And when he could have seized everything, he handed it all back and went home.
He gained the trust of a nation precisely because he kept showing he didn't crave the power they kept trying to give him.
So here's the question for today: in a world that so often rewards the loudest, the hungriest, and the ones who grab the most — what do you think it says that the man we trusted to found a country was the one who kept trying to give the power away?

06/15/2026

167 years ago today, the United States and the British Empire came within a hair's breadth of going to war with each other. Two great nations. Thousands of troops. Five warships. Dozens of cannon, all aimed and ready. The thing that nearly triggered it? A pig. Eating potatoes.
This is the gloriously absurd, completely true story of the Pig War — the only war in history whose sole casualty was a single pig.
It begins on a tiny speck of land called San Juan Island, in the waters between what is now Washington State and Canada's Vancouver Island. In 1859, that island had a problem buried in the fine print of a treaty.
Years earlier, Britain and the United States had drawn their border across the continent along the 49th parallel — but when it came to the maze of islands off the Pacific coast, the treaty was hopelessly vague. It said the line ran down "the middle of the channel." Trouble was, there were two channels, on either side of the San Juan Islands. So both Britain and America looked at the same scrap of land and said, with equal conviction, "That's ours."
For a while, it didn't matter much. A couple dozen American settlers shared the island, more or less peacefully, with a British Hudson's Bay Company sheep farm. They coexisted. They mostly ignored the awkward question of who actually owned the ground beneath their feet.
And then, on the morning of June 15th, 1859, an American farmer named Lyman Cutlar walked out to his garden and found a large black pig rooting through his potatoes.
This was not the pig's first offense. The animal — which belonged to an Irishman working for the British company — had a habit of wandering over and helping itself to Cutlar's crops. Cutlar had had enough.
He grabbed his gun, and he shot the pig dead.
Now, in a sane world, this is where the story ends: an annoyed farmer, a dead pig, an awkward conversation with the neighbor. And Cutlar did try to settle it. He offered the pig's owner ten dollars for the animal. But the owner was indignant and demanded a hundred — an enormous sum at the time. Cutlar refused. And then he made the fatal little argument that lit the fuse: the pig, he said, had been on his land eating his potatoes, so really, it wasn't his problem.
The British authorities on the island were not amused. They threatened to arrest Cutlar.
And that's when a dead pig stopped being about a pig.
To the American settlers, this was outrageous: British officials, on an island America claimed, threatening to haul a United States citizen off to jail? They fired off a petition demanding military protection. It landed on the desk of a U.S. Army general named William Harney — a man with a well-known, deep-seated hatred of the British. Harney did not look for a way to calm things down. He looked for a way to escalate them.
He dispatched troops. The officer he sent was a flamboyant, hot-tempered captain named George Pickett — the very same George Pickett who, four years later, would lead the doomed, legendary charge at the Battle of Gettysburg. Pickett landed with his small company of soldiers, planted the American flag and his cannons on the island, and effectively declared it U.S. soil.
The British, naturally, were furious. The governor of British Columbia sent warships.
And from there, the whole thing snowballed into the most heavily armed argument over breakfast scraps in human history. Within weeks, the standoff had ballooned to hundreds of American soldiers dug in behind earthworks and cannon — facing a fleet of British warships carrying thousands of men and dozens of guns, anchored just offshore. Two of the most powerful nations on Earth, squaring off, armed to the teeth, ready to start shooting…
…over a dead pig.
And here is the part that makes this story not just funny, but quietly wonderful.
Nobody fired.
Because at the crucial moment, cooler heads simply refused to play along. When the British governor ordered his naval commander, a rear admiral named Robert Baynes, to land his marines and engage the American troops, Baynes flatly refused. He would not, he reportedly said, involve two great nations in a war over a squabble about a pig.
Think about that. The whole catastrophe was prevented because one man looked at the situation, saw how monumentally stupid it was, and declined to fire the first shot. Both sides edged back. Word reached Washington and London, where officials were frankly astonished to learn their countries had nearly gone to war over livestock. They ordered everyone to stand down.
In the end, the two nations agreed to a remarkable, very civilized solution: they would simply share the island. Each would keep a small camp — the British at the north end, the Americans at the south — and they would wait, peacefully, for the boundary to be settled properly.
That "temporary" arrangement lasted twelve years. And during those twelve years, the two sides got along famously. The rival soldiers visited each other's camps, shared meals and whisky, and competed in friendly sports. The "war" became one long, neighborly standoff.
It was finally resolved in 1872, in perhaps the only fitting way for such a ridiculous dispute: they handed it to a neutral third party to decide. That third party was Kaiser Wilhelm I of Germany, who reviewed the old treaty, drew the line through the western channel, and awarded the San Juan Islands to the United States. The British packed up and went home. No battles. No medals. No fallen soldiers.
Just one pig.
To this day, it's remembered as the Pig War — a tense, twelve-year, thousand-troop, warship-bristling international crisis between two of the mightiest empires on the planet, in which the only blood ever spilled belonged to a hungry pig in a potato patch.
And honestly? In a history book stuffed full of wars that killed millions over far less honorable things, there's something almost beautiful about it. Two superpowers stared each other down, fingers on the trigger… and then chose, in the end, not to turn a dead pig into a graveyard of men.

Be sure to attend our Annual Member's Meeting on tomorrow evening at 7 pm at the Gates Town Hall Annex. Come and hear ab...
06/14/2026

Be sure to attend our Annual Member's Meeting on tomorrow evening at 7 pm at the Gates Town Hall Annex. Come and hear about what we did over the past year and our plans for this year and meet the board members who will be sworn in. Of course, we will have ice cream sundaes and floats. The event is free and open to all GHS members. The building is handicapped accessible.

Today's concert with the Fiddlers of the Genesee is cancelled due to the forecast for severe weather.  We are working wi...
06/14/2026

Today's concert with the Fiddlers of the Genesee is cancelled due to the forecast for severe weather. We are working with the Fiddlers to reschedule for a date later this year. We apologize for the inconvenience. The house will still be open for tours.

06/14/2026

250 years ago today, five men were handed an assignment, and four of them quietly agreed it should fall to the fifth — a shy 33-year-old who would much rather have been somewhere else. The thing he reluctantly sat down to write became, arguably, the most important sentence in the English language.
It is June 11, 1776. The American colonies are stumbling toward the unthinkable. Four days earlier, a Virginian named Richard Henry Lee had stood up in Congress and formally proposed a complete break from Britain — an act of open treason. Congress wasn't quite ready to vote on it yet, but it needed to be ready soon. So on this day, it appointed a small committee to do something no one had ever done: to write out, for the whole world to read, the reasons a people had the right to throw off their king.
Five men were chosen. Benjamin Franklin — at seventy, the most famous American alive, a scientist and statesman who had already lived three ordinary men's worth of life. John Adams — brilliant, blunt, and, by his own cheerful admission, thoroughly unpopular. Roger Sherman of Connecticut, a self-made former shoemaker. Robert Livingston of New York. And a tall, quiet, red-haired Virginian of just thirty-three, known not for his speeches — he was a famously poor public speaker — but for his pen. His name was Thomas Jefferson.
Now, someone actually had to write the thing. And here the story turns human.
By Adams's account, told years later, he and Jefferson went back and forth over who should hold the pen. Jefferson wanted Adams to do it. Adams flatly refused, and laid out his reasons. You're a Virginian, he said, and a Virginian ought to be at the head of this business. I'm obnoxious and unpopular, he admitted, and you are not. And besides — "you can write ten times better than I can."
(Jefferson, it must be said, remembered the conversation rather differently in his old age, and grumbled that Adams's memory had failed him. But the result isn't in dispute: the job landed on Jefferson.)
So the most quoted document in American history fell to the youngest man in the room — largely because he was simply the best writer there — and he didn't even particularly want it. His heart was back in Virginia, where he longed to be helping write his home state's new constitution. Instead, he was stuck in Philadelphia with an assignment.
He shut himself away in a rented two-room apartment. And there, over about two weeks of a sweltering Philadelphia June, working at a small portable writing desk he had designed himself, Thomas Jefferson wrote.
He wasn't trying to be original, he said later — he was trying to capture "an expression of the American mind," to set down in plain, undeniable words what an entire people had come to believe. And somewhere in the middle of it, he wrote the line.
That all men are created equal. That they are endowed with certain unalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Then the editing began — and Jefferson, like every writer before and since, hated it. Franklin and Adams went over his draft and made their marks. In one of the most famous edits in history, Franklin is said to have crossed out Jefferson's phrase "we hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable" and replaced it with four cooler, sturdier words: "we hold these truths to be self-evident." Then Congress itself got hold of it and cut away about a quarter of what he'd written, line by line, while Jefferson sat and silently suffered through every deletion.
On July 4th, 1776, they adopted it. The Declaration of Independence.
And here is the strange and wonderful thing about what those five men set in motion that June day.
Jefferson thought he was writing a legal-sounding justification for one particular rebellion, in one particular summer, against one particular king. He could not have known he was writing something that would outrun him entirely — that the sentence he set down would become a standard the world would measure itself against, again and again, for centuries.
Because "all men are created equal" was not, in 1776, a description of the world. It was an aspiration — and in many ways a painfully unfulfilled one, including in the lives of some of the very men who wrote and signed it. But once those words were written down and sent out into history, they could never be unwritten. They became a promise. And every generation that came after — at home and around the globe — would hold them up and demand that the world finally live up to them.
That's what makes it far more than an old piece of parchment. The Declaration didn't just announce a country. It announced an idea so large that the country itself has spent every year since trying to grow into it.
And it all began 250 years ago today — when a committee of five looked around the room, decided the quiet young man wrote the best, and handed him a job he didn't want, that turned out to be the most important writing assignment in the history of the world.

Due to the forecast of severe weather for tomorrow afternoon, we have cancelled the concert with the Fiddlers of the Gen...
06/13/2026

Due to the forecast of severe weather for tomorrow afternoon, we have cancelled the concert with the Fiddlers of the Genesee. We are working with them to reschedule for a date later this year. The house will still be open for tours.

Address

634 Hinchey Road
Rochester, NY
14624

Opening Hours

Wednesday 10am - 3pm
Sunday 12pm - 3pm

Telephone

(585) 464-9740

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